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	<title>Migration Watch UK</title>
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	<description>Independent UK-based think tank focused on immigration and asylum policy research</description>
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		<title>Taking Back Control? Brexit and Migration Ten Years On</title>
		<link>https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/taking-back-control-brexit-and-migration-ten-years-on/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Migration Watch]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 19 Jun 2026 08:33:46 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[EU and Post-Brexit Migration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Brexit]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[European Union]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/?p=6311</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>A decade after the Brexit referendum, the promise to “take back control” of immigration has not been delivered, according to a major new report from the independent think tank Migration Watch UK.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/taking-back-control-brexit-and-migration-ten-years-on/">Taking Back Control? Brexit and Migration Ten Years On</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></description>
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									<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The 2016 referendum was, in large part, a mandate on immigration. “Take Back Control” was understood by voters to mean control over the numbers: how many people come, who they are, and on what terms. This report assesses whether that demand has been met.</span></p><p><span style="font-weight: 400;">It has not. After ten years, five Prime Ministers and cumulative net migration exceeding 3.7 million, the post-Brexit system has delivered formal sovereignty without the numerical reduction the Leave vote implied. Free movement ended on 31 December 2020, yet net migration reached a record 745,000 in 2022 — nearly eight times the “tens of thousands” promised at successive elections.</span></p><p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The report traces immigration policy across the May, Johnson, Sunak and Starmer governments. It shows that the 2021 points-based system was designed without a cap, without a resident labour market test and with a lowered skill threshold, and that the one binding limit that had existed — the 20,700 cap on skilled-worker certificates — was deliberately abolished. Control over numbers was delegated to employers and universities.</span></p><p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Migration Watch concludes that the missing ingredient is a binding numerical cap on total migration: set by the British government, answerable to the British public, and adjustable at each election. Only this can honour the democratic principle of sovereignty that defined the Leave vote.</span></p>								</div>
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									<p><b>Read the full report: </b><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">&#8216;Taking Back Control?&#8217; Brexit and Migration Ten Years On</span></i></p>								</div>
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				</div><p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/taking-back-control-brexit-and-migration-ten-years-on/">Taking Back Control? Brexit and Migration Ten Years On</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Demography is Destiny</title>
		<link>https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/demography-is-destiny/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Migration Watch]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 12 Jun 2026 16:15:34 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Blog]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Demographics]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Pupils]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Schools]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Students]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[White British]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/?p=6308</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>The children filling classrooms in 2026 will be the voters, workers and parents of the 2060s. The latest statistics from the Department for Education show a country being remade from the bottom up. White British pupils now account for less than 60% of the state-school population, down from around 70% in the 2010s and roughly 90% in the 1990s.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/demography-is-destiny/">Demography is Destiny</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p class="wp-block-paragraph">Migration Watch has long warned of the demographic transformation now underway. <a href="https://www.dailymail.com/news/article-3613682/RIP-Britain-academic-objectivity-Oxford-Professor-DAVID-COLEMAN-one-country-s-population-experts-says-white-Britons-minority-late-2060s-sooner-current-immigration-trends-continue.html" title=""><strong>Professor David Coleman, Emeritus Professor of Demography at the University of Oxford, and Professor Matthew Goodwin of Buckingham University have projected that White British people will become a minority in Britain by the early 2060</strong></a>s. The direction is set; the destination is approaching.</p>
<p>Nowhere is this more evident than in England’s schools. The children filling classrooms in 2026 will be the voters, workers and parents of the 2060s. <a href="https://explore-education-statistics.service.gov.uk/find-statistics/school-pupils-and-their-characteristics/2025-26" title=""><strong>The latest statistics from the Department for Education show a country being remade from the bottom up</strong></a>. White British pupils now account for less than 60% of the state-school population, down from around 70% in the 2010s and roughly 90% in the 1990s. In about a quarter of England’s schools, White British pupils are already a minority; in 72 schools there is not a single White British pupil. <a href="https://www.mattgoodwin.org/p/these-quietly-released-bombshell?r=8t079" title=""><strong>In areas such as Luton, Coventry, Slough, Wolverhampton, and parts of Birmingham and Bradford, White British children account for only around 10% of nursery pupils, or even fewe</strong></a><strong><a href="http://mattgoodwin.org/p/these-quietly-released-bombshell?r=8t079&#x2197;" title="">r</a></strong>.</p>
<p><a href="https://x.com/charliecolecc/status/2062597345359884739" title=""><strong>Independent researcher Charlie Cole has analysed the figures by constituency</strong></a>. In East Ham, just 2% of pupils are White British. <a href="https://www.datawrapper.de/_/kVJMv/?v=3" title=""><strong>You can check the figures for your own area here</strong></a>.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.gbnews.com/politics/reform-richard-tice-white-britons-minority" title=""><strong>Some politicians cast doubt on whether any of this matters</strong></a>.<strong> </strong>They will be long gone, so why should they care what sort of country their children and grandchildren inherit? The assumption appears to be that this is a theoretical problem that will be borne by someone else. Yet demographic change, and the policies required to manage it, are already reshaping British schools and the way they are run.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.channel4.com/news/permanent-exclusions-up-21-as-violence-in-schools-rise" title=""><strong>Disorder in schools is increasing</strong></a>. Permanent exclusions have risen by 21% since 2019, <a href="https://www.sec-ed.co.uk/content/news/verbal-and-physical-abuse-against-teachers-on-the-rise" title=""><strong>while 37% of teachers report having been physically assaulted in the past 12 months</strong></a>. One incident involved a heavily pregnant teacher being struck by a chair. <a href="https://www.channel4.com/news/factcheck/teachers-suffer-hundreds-of-severe-injuries-at-school-each-year-exclusive-data-reveals" title=""><strong>Four other attacks on teachers resulted in amputations</strong></a>. Yet even as violence rises, schools face growing pressure to avoid disciplining pupils from certain backgrounds. Activists are increasingly quick to claim that minority pupils are punished simply for <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/education/2021/mar/24/british-schools-are-institutionally-racist-that-must-change-fast" title=""><strong>expressing “their cultural values and norms” in schools supposedly &#8220;rooted in white culture”</strong></a>.</p>
<p>Some argue that the breakdown in discipline can be managed, pointing to schools such as Michaela Community School in north-west London. It is diverse, disciplined, academically successful and, for many, living proof that multiculturalism works. Yet admirable and impressive though Michaela’s achievements undoubtedly are, <a href="https://thecritic.co.uk/against-michaela-multiculturalism/" title=""><strong>one wonders whether Katharine Birbalsingh’s methods would be acceptable to most parents</strong></a>. They include <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/education/2024/jan/17/london-headteacher-defends-school-prayer-ban-high-court" title=""><strong>mandatory vegetarian meals to accommodate a range of religious dietary requirements</strong></a>; <a href="https://time.com/5232857/michaela-britains-strictest-school/" title=""><strong>pupils moving between lessons in silence under close supervision</strong></a>; and <a href="https://www.mylondon.news/news/uk-world-news/inside-britains-strictest-school-pupils-29003154" title=""><strong>a ban on groups of more than four pupils gathering together in order to reduce &#8220;social exclusion</strong></a><strong><a href="https://www.mylondon.news/news/uk-world-news/inside-britains-strictest-school-pupils-29003154" title="">&#8220;</a></strong>.</p>
<p>If this is what it takes to hold a multi-ethnic school together, perhaps the lesson is less reassuring than its advocates assume.</p>
<p>What would such a model look like if applied to the nation as a whole? Fragmented communities held together by an increasingly censorious, interventionist and managerial state, regulating what people eat, what they say and even with whom they may associate.</p>
<p>There is, however, another vision: a society built on good manners, civility, mutual respect, respect for the law, loyalty, patriotism, religious freedom and free speech. In other words, an education system and a society grounded in the ethos and values upon which Britain was built.</p>
<p>We, along with what is undoubtedly the vast majority of native British citizens &#8211; still by far the largest segment of the population &#8211; would much rather see a sharp reduction in both immigration, which remains at more than 800,000 a year, and net migration, which stood at over 170,000 in 2025. Both must be sharply reduced.</p>
<p>At the same time, we must put in place a process for the assimilation of recent and future arrivals into the society they have chosen to join. It is time to abandon the divisive doctrine of multiculturalism and challenge the absurd claim that ever-increasing diversity is our strength. It is not. It is a profound weakness that is leading to the growing fragmentation of what was once a cohesive and unified society.</p>
<p class="wp-block-paragraph">&nbsp;</p><p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/demography-is-destiny/">Demography is Destiny</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>The Death of Henry Nowak</title>
		<link>https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/the-death-of-henry-nowak/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Migration Watch]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 06 Jun 2026 09:19:57 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Blog]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Crime]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Henry Nowak]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/?p=6303</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Much has been written and said about the tragic murder of young Henry Nowak and the sentencing of his killer, Vickrum Digwa, by politicians such as Kemi Badenoch, Nigel Farage, Nick Timothy, and Lord Frost. The brilliant Douglas Murray also devoted his column in The Spectator to Henry Nowak. I agree with all of them, as, I am sure, does the majority of the British public.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/the-death-of-henry-nowak/">The Death of Henry Nowak</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p class="wp-block-paragraph">Much has been written and said about the tragic murder of young Henry Nowak and the sentencing of his killer, Vickrum Digwa, by politicians such as Kemi Badenoch, Nigel Farage, Nick Timothy, and Lord Frost. The brilliant Douglas Murray also devoted his column in The Spectator to Henry Nowak. I agree with all of them, as, I am sure, does the majority of the British public.<br><br>For my part, I was deeply moved by Henry&#8217;s parents&#8217; reaction. Their calm dignity and wise words went to the core of the issue and what is happening to our country. Their call for &#8220;common-sense policing&#8221; was quintessential English understatement and all the more powerful for it.<br><br>Why don&#8217;t we have common-sense policing anymore? Why did the responding police officers react as they did: accepting the word of the assailant while young Henry lay on the ground, handcuffed and dying? Why, as Henry&#8217;s father observed, was Henry treated like a criminal while Vickrum was never handcuffed?<br><br>Why? Because that is exactly what our police have been conditioned to do.<br><br>Sir Keir Starmer has said he will take &#8220;<em>whatever action is required to right the wrongs in this case</em>&#8220;, words he spoke to Henry&#8217;s parents after meeting them in Downing Street. He won&#8217;t, though, will he? I think not.<br><br>Just over a year ago, he promised action to prevent our becoming an &#8220;island of strangers&#8221;, only to backtrack when told that his words echoed those of Enoch Powell sixty years earlier. This could never be: if Enoch Powell had said it, it had to be wrong; hence the scorched-earth U-turn.<br><br>Is this not a mirror image of the police reaction to Vickrum Digwa? The white kid must be lying because he&#8217;s white. Didn&#8217;t the trainers say as much all those years ago: that racism could only be perpetrated by white people and that minorities had to be protected from this supposedly unique offence?<br><br>The police who arrested Henry acted exactly as one would expect them to act when &#8220;<em>responding to [racialised] individuals and communities according to their specific needs … does not mean treating everyone &#8216;the same&#8217;</em>.&#8221;<br><br>Police actions, unbearable and callous as they appeared, are a symptom, not the cause, of the issue. As Nick Timothy succinctly and eloquently put it in The Telegraph:<br><br>&#8220;…this goes beyond the culture in the police. The politics of identity is hardwired into the institutions and rulebooks of the state. The Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) adopts a two-tier approach almost as a matter of organisational policy.&#8221;<br><br>I would only omit the word &#8220;almost&#8221;.<br><br>In reality, this is merely the latest in a litany of events in which the rights and needs of British citizens appear to come after those of minorities. For some thirty years, an ideology obsessed with racial grievance, social engineering, and ethnic hierarchies has downplayed the rights of native British citizens because of privileges they are presumed to have enjoyed simply by virtue of being white. Why not do something about this sort of divisive nonsense prime Minister?<br><br>Following the meeting with the Nowak family, the Prime Minister said:<br><br><em>&#8220;It is our duty now to ensure that lessons are learned, that justice is delivered and that we choose unity and progress over division and hatred. This is the only way to honour Henry&#8217;s memory.&#8221;</em><br><br>As a former Foreign Office spokesman, my heart sank when I read this.<br><br>Really, Prime Minister? &#8220;<em>Lessons are learned</em>&#8220;, &#8220;<em>justice is delivered</em>&#8220;, &#8220;<em>unity and progress over division and hatred</em>&#8220;. It seems to me that the AI speechwriter has been putting in some overtime. And note how &#8220;<em>hate</em>&#8221; features yet again. Funny how it is invariably the Left that uses the word, usually directed at the &#8220;far Right&#8221;.<br><br>Speaking to Nick Ferrari on LBC, the Deputy Prime Minister, David Lammy, said that he would not &#8220;<em>take the knee</em>&#8221; as he had for George Floyd. I wonder how the Prime Minister and Angela Rayner will respond when Mr Ferrari gets the opportunity to ask them the same question, as he surely will.<br><br>Rest in peace, young Henry. There are hundreds of thousands of us who will not allow what happened to you to be forgotten.</p>



<p class="wp-block-paragraph">&nbsp;</p><p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/the-death-of-henry-nowak/">The Death of Henry Nowak</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>22nd May 2026: New Polling from Migration Watch Shows Extent of Political Betrayal on Demographic Change</title>
		<link>https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/22nd-may-2026-new-polling-from-migration-watch-shows-extent-of-political-betrayal-on-demographic-change/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Migration Watch]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 22 May 2026 20:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Newsletter]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Demographic Change]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Net Migration]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ONS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[White British Minority]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/?p=6166</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>When Migration Watch was founded in 2001, the prevailing orthodoxy in Westminster was that mass immigration was an unalloyed good: economically beneficial, culturally enriching, and even questioning these assumptions marked one as beyond the pale. We set out to change that, armed with rigorous, evidence-based analysis. Over two decades later, positions we once advocated in near-isolation have become the settled consensus of mainstream British politics.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/22nd-may-2026-new-polling-from-migration-watch-shows-extent-of-political-betrayal-on-demographic-change/">22nd May 2026: New Polling from Migration Watch Shows Extent of Political Betrayal on Demographic Change</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p class="has-medium-font-size wp-block-paragraph"><strong><em>T</em></strong><em><strong>his is a preview of Migration Watch’s free weekly newsletter. Please consider signing up to the newsletter directly,&nbsp;<a href="https://migrationwatchuk.org/news/category/newsletters/">you can do so here</a>&nbsp;and will receive an email copy of the newsletter every week as soon as it is released</strong></em>.</p>



<p class="has-large-font-size wp-block-paragraph"><strong>NEW POLLING FROM MIGRATION WATCH SHOWS EXTENT OF POLITICAL BETRAYAL ON DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGE</strong></p>



<p class="wp-block-paragraph"><a target="_blank" href="https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/internationalmigration/bulletins/longterminternationalmigrationprovisional/yearendingdecember2025" rel="noreferrer noopener"><strong>The ONS figures released yesterday make for alarming reading</strong></a>. The usual suspects lined up to tell us not to worry:&nbsp;<em><strong>net</strong></em>&nbsp;migration fell to 171,000 in the year ending December 2025, down from 331,000 a year earlier, extending a sharp decline from a record peak of 944,000 in 2023. But this, of course, masks the real problem.<br></p>



<p class="wp-block-paragraph">Start with the cumulative picture. Between 2019 and 2024 (the so-called “Boriswave” of arrivals under the last Conservative government), a net 2,950,000 people migrated to the UK – the equivalent of two and a half Birminghams arriving in just 5 years. Even at a reduced rate of 171,000 a year, that is still a city the size of Oxford being added to the population every twelve months; people who need homes, school places, GP appointments, and seats on trains. The tap has been turned down. It has not been turned off, and the bathtub is already overflowing.<br></p>



<p class="wp-block-paragraph">As our followers and supporters know, Migration Watch has for years drawn attention to the public’s concert about high, uncontrolled immigration.&nbsp;<a target="_blank" href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/public-attitudes-to-migration/" rel="noreferrer noopener"><strong>That is why we commissioned the excellent JL Partners to poll the public</strong></a>, specifically about the scale of immigration and its impact. In a nationally representative poll of 1,520 adults conducted in November 2025, 61 per cent said net migration between 2019 and 2024 had been too high, including 38 per cent who chose &#8220;far too high&#8221;: the single largest response category. Just 8 per cent said it was too low. No demographic group &#8211; not graduates, not Labour voters, not a single region of the United Kingdom &#8211; produced a majority saying levels were too low.<br></p>



<p class="wp-block-paragraph">On the question of long-term demographic change, the findings were even more striking. Forty-nine per cent of respondents viewed the projection that the White British population would fall below half of the total by the 2060s negatively, with 33 per cent selecting &#8220;very negative&#8221;, the highest single-response intensity recorded anywhere in the poll. That figure exceeded concern about housing availability, crime, and the NHS. Politicians tell us the public are relaxed about demographic change and it is a fringe concern. Far from it. It is the most deeply held concern in the entire survey.<br></p>



<p class="wp-block-paragraph">Yet Westminster continues to treat demographic transformation as a&nbsp;<em>fait accompli</em>, a process to be managed rather than a trajectory to be changed. The current Government, like its predecessor, offers modest visa adjustments while presiding over population growth and demographic change on a scale that no post-war electorate ever voted for. The pace of change may have slowed for the time being but it has not been altered, let alone reversed. And the government simply has no appetite for doing so.<br></p>



<p class="wp-block-paragraph">The public can see and feel the pressure on housing, on public services, and on the character of their communities. They want net migration not merely reduced but brought to genuinely sustainable levels. Politicians must listen, and make the necessary action, or the gap between governing and governed will only grow wider.<br></p>



<p class="wp-block-paragraph">The consequences of what has already happened are baked in. The ONS&#8217;s own national population projections, published earlier this year, show the UK population heading towards 74 million by the mid-2030s, driven overwhelmingly by migration. The longer-term picture is starker still. Professor Emeritus of Demography at Oxford University, Professor David Coleman,&nbsp;<a target="_blank" href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GvpCnsMZovc" rel="noreferrer noopener"><strong>projects that the White British share of the population will fall below 50 per cent by the early 2060s</strong></a>. Indeed, he has been saying this for over 15 years.&nbsp;<a target="_blank" href="https://www.mattgoodwin.org/p/britains-looming-demographic-crisis" rel="noreferrer noopener"><strong>Other academics have more recently come to similar conclusions</strong></a>. We are facing a transformation in the demographic character of our country within half a lifetime, driven almost entirely by sustained high immigration, which no one ever voted for. The British people are being betrayed.<br></p>



<p class="wp-block-paragraph"><em>The full Migration Watch UK polling report, Public Attitudes Towards Migration, is available at&nbsp;</em><a target="_blank" href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/public-attitudes-to-migration/" rel="noreferrer noopener"><em><strong>https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/public-attitudes-to-migration/</strong></em></a><br></p>



<p class="wp-block-paragraph"><strong><em>T</em><em><strong>his is a preview of Migration Watch’s free weekly newsletter. Please consider signing up to the newsletter directly,&nbsp;<a href="https://migrationwatchuk.org/news/category/newsletters/">you can do so here</a>&nbsp;and will receive an email copy of the newsletter every week as soon as it is released</strong></em>.</strong></p><p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/22nd-may-2026-new-polling-from-migration-watch-shows-extent-of-political-betrayal-on-demographic-change/">22nd May 2026: New Polling from Migration Watch Shows Extent of Political Betrayal on Demographic Change</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>The public have spoken. They agree migration is out of control.</title>
		<link>https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/the-public-have-spoken-they-agree-migration-is-out-of-control/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Migration Watch]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 22 May 2026 09:30:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Blog]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/?p=6114</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>For 25 years, Migration Watch UK has made the case that net migration to this country has reached levels the public never asked for and the country cannot sustain. We have published the research, engaged the politicians, and put the evidence in front of anyone willing to look. And for much of that time, the [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/the-public-have-spoken-they-agree-migration-is-out-of-control/">The public have spoken. They agree migration is out of control.</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[<div data-elementor-type="wp-post" data-elementor-id="6114" class="elementor elementor-6114" data-elementor-post-type="post">
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									<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">For 25 years, Migration Watch UK has made the case that net migration to this country has reached levels the public never asked for and the country cannot sustain. We have published the research, engaged the politicians, and put the evidence in front of anyone willing to look. And for much of that time, the response from the political class has been to ignore it, dismiss it, or reach for the nearest euphemism.</span></p><p><span style="font-weight: 400;">JL Partners, an independent polling firm, surveyed 1,520 adults on 17 November 2025. The sample was nationally representative by age, gender, region, education, ethnicity, and past vote. We asked them about net migration levels, the impact of migration on eight areas of public life, and their views on the long-term demographic trajectory of the United Kingdom. What came back was one of the clearest statements of public opinion on this issue we have ever seen.</span></p>								</div>
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					<iframe title="Net migration to the UK (meaning, the number of people who migrated to the UK minus the number of people who left) was 2,925,000 between 2019 and 2024. Do you think this level of net migration was:" aria-label="Pie Chart" id="datawrapper-chart-uMGKu" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/uMGKu/3/" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" style="border: none;" width="600" height="600" data-external="1"></iframe>				</div>
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									<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">On net migration, respondents were not asked their opinion in the abstract, but told the official ONS figure: 2,925,000 people arrived in net terms between 2019 and 2024. They were then asked whether that level was too high, about right, or too low. 61</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> per cent%</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> said too high. 38</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> per cent%</span><span style="font-weight: 400;">, the single largest response category, chose far too high. 8</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> per cent%</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> said too low. This is not a razor-thin majority on a charged question. It is a settled, clear, cross-demographic view. Majorities in every region of Great Britain. 57</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> per cent%</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of Labour voters. Graduates and non-graduates alike, differing only in intensity. There is no corner of this country where a majority of people think the last five years of migration were broadly fine.</span></p><p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We also asked respondents to rate migration&#8217;s impact on eight policy areas: housing availability, housing affordability, the NHS, the school system, crime and personal safety, national culture, public transport, and the high street. Not one produced a net positive verdict. The strongest negative results were on housing availability, where 57</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> per cent%</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> said migration had reduced availability of homes, and crime and personal safety, where 53</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> per cent%</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> said the impact had been negative. The NHS produced the poll&#8217;s most polarised result: 22</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> per cent%</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> saw the contribution of migrant workers and rated the impact positively, but 50</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> per cent%</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> judged the overall impact negative. People are weighing demand as well as supply. More residents means longer waiting lists, fuller GP surgeries, and A&amp;E departments under strain. The public understands this even when the politicians prefer not to say it.</span></p>								</div>
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					<iframe title="Do you think the following have been affected negatively or positively by mass migration?: The availability of housing" aria-label="Pie Chart" id="datawrapper-chart-RcsPU" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/RcsPU/1/" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" style="border: none;" width="600" height="771" data-external="1"></iframe>				</div>
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									<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The crossbreaks tell a consistent story. Older respondents are more negative than younger ones across every single question. London is the outlier, more divided and less strongly negative than the rest of the country: but , though even there, majorities judged housing availability and crime negatively. Outside London, every English region, Wales, and Scotland returned net negative assessments across the board. The picture is of a country whose concerns are deep, widespread, and not confined to any one group or place.</span></p>								</div>
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					<iframe title="Net migration to the UK (meaning, the number of people who migrated to the UK minus the number of people who left) was 2,925,000 between 2019 and 2024. Do you think this level of net migration was:" aria-label="Stacked Bars" id="datawrapper-chart-VGQaC" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/VGQaC/1/" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" style="border: none;" width="600" height="1305" data-external="1"></iframe>				</div>
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									<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The finding that deserves the most careful attention concerns demographic change. Respondents were told that people identifying as White British, White English, White Welsh, or White Scottish are projected to fall below 50</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> per cent%</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> of the UK population by the early 2060s. They were asked how they viewed that prospect. 49</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> per cent%</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> said negatively. 33</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> per cent%</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> chose very negative. That figure, one in three adults, is the highest intensity response recorded anywhere in the entire poll. It exceeds the equivalent figure for housing availability at 25</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> per cent%</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> and crime at 24</span><span style="font-weight: 400;"> per cent%</span><span style="font-weight: 400;">. The public does not hold this view mildly. Those who hold it, hold it with a strength of feeling that outstrips almost every other concern in the survey.</span></p>								</div>
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					<iframe title="A recent study projected that people who identify as White British, White English, White Welsh, or White Scottish will fall below half of the UK population by the early 2060s Do you think this change would be:" aria-label="Stacked Bars" id="datawrapper-chart-iVPIu" src="https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/iVPIu/1/" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" style="border: none;" width="600" height="1322" data-external="1"></iframe>				</div>
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									<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">What this polling tells us is that on every dimension we tested, the British public agrees with the position Migration Watch UK has held and argued for a quarter of a century. Net migration has been too high. It is overwhelming damaging housing, public services, and the fabric of communities across the country. And a very large share of the country is deeply troubled by the demographic direction of travel.</span></p><p><span style="font-weight: 400;">We will not stop making that case. We will take these findings to politicians, to the media, and to anyone with the power to act. But none of this is possible without your support. If you believe this work matters, please consider making a donation. Every contribution allows us to keep the research going, keep the pressure on, and keep fighting for a migration policy that the British public actually wants.</span></p>								</div>
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									<p><b>Read the full report: </b><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">&#8216;Public Attitudes Toward Migration: A National Polling Analysis&#8217;</span></i></p>								</div>
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				</div><p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/the-public-have-spoken-they-agree-migration-is-out-of-control/">The public have spoken. They agree migration is out of control.</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Public Attitudes to Migration</title>
		<link>https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/public-attitudes-to-migration/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Migration Watch]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 22 May 2026 08:02:03 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Students and Graduate Visas]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/?p=6145</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>In November 2025, Migration Watch UK commissioned JL Partners to conduct a nationally representative poll of 1,520 UK adults on public attitudes toward net migration levels, the perceived impact of migration across eight policy areas, and views on long-term demographic change. The results show settled, cross-party, public majority concern about the scale of recent migration [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/public-attitudes-to-migration/">Public Attitudes to Migration</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></description>
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									<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">In November 2025, Migration Watch UK commissioned JL Partners to conduct a nationally representative poll of 1,520 UK adults on public attitudes toward net migration levels, the perceived impact of migration across eight policy areas, and views on long-term demographic change. The results show settled, cross-party, public majority concern about the scale of recent migration and, in one finding, the most intensely held view recorded anywhere in the poll.</span></p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Key findings</h2>				</div>
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									<ul><li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">61 per cent said net migration was too high, including 38 per cent who chose “far too high”, the single largest response category. Eight per cent said the level was too low. The breadth of this view extends well beyond the groups most typically associated with concern about migration levels.</span></li><li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Majorities of Labour voters, graduates, and respondents across every region of the United Kingdom judged recent levels too high. No demographic group produced a majority saying levels were too low. </span></li><li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Across all eight policy areas tested, negative assessments outweighed positive ones. There was no area of public life in which the public believed migration had, on balance, been beneficial.</span></li><li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">Housing was the area of sharpest concern: 57 per cent said migration had reduced the availability of homes (net score minus 42 percentage points) and 49 per cent said it had made housing less affordable (net minus 34). Even on the NHS, where public awareness of migrants’ contribution as health service staff is highest, 50 per cent still rated migration’s net impact as negative against 22 per cent who rated it positively.</span></li><li style="font-weight: 400;" aria-level="1"><span style="font-weight: 400;">49 per cent of respondents viewed the projection that the White British population will fall below 50 per cent of the UK total by the 2060s negatively, with 33 per cent selecting &#8220;very negative&#8221;. That figure is the highest single response intensity recorded anywhere in the poll, exceeding concern about housing availability (25 per cent) and crime (24 per cent).</span></li></ul>								</div>
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									<p><b>Read the full report: </b><i><span style="font-weight: 400;">&#8216;Public Attitudes Toward Migration: A National Polling Analysis&#8217;</span></i></p>								</div>
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				</div><p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/public-attitudes-to-migration/">Public Attitudes to Migration</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Policy &#038; legal framework</title>
		<link>https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/policy-legal-framework/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Migration Watch]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 18 May 2026 12:54:55 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Glossary]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[glossary]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/?p=6087</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Return to the Migration Glossary Table of Contents The laws, rules, and policies that govern the UK immigration system, from primary legislation to operational guidance. Immigration Rules The detailed legal framework, laid before Parliament by the Home Secretary, governing who may enter and remain in the UK and under what conditions. Originally 20 pages long [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/policy-legal-framework/">Policy & legal framework</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></description>
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									<p>The laws, rules, and policies that govern the UK immigration system, from primary legislation to operational guidance.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Immigration Rules</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The detailed legal framework, laid before Parliament by the Home Secretary, governing who may enter and remain in the UK and under what conditions. Originally 20 pages long when introduced in the 1970s, they now exceed 1,000 pages. They are not primary legislation but have legal force and are the basis for all visa and asylum decisions.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Points-Based Immigration System</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The framework introduced after Brexit under which immigration for work and study is managed through a points-scoring mechanism. Applicants must score at least 70 points based on job offer, skill level, salary, and English language ability. It replaced the earlier tiered system and applies equally to EU and non-EU nationals since January 2021.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Immigration Health Surcharge (IHS)</h2>				</div>
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									<p>A charge paid upfront by most non-UK visa applicants, giving them access to NHS treatment on the same basis as UK residents during their stay. Currently set at £1,035 per person per year of the visa. Health and Care Worker visa holders are exempt. The charge has increased significantly in recent years and is a significant cost for families.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Immigration Skills Charge (ISC)</h2>				</div>
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									<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">A levy paid by UK employers for each year they sponsor an overseas worker on the Skilled Worker or similar routes. From December 2025, the charge is £1,320 per year for medium and large sponsors and £480 for small and charitable organisations. It was introduced to encourage employers to invest in domestic training. It does not apply to unsponsored routes.</span></p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Family reunion</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The right of recognised refugees and others with protection status to be joined in the UK by close family members — typically a spouse and minor children — from abroad. It is distinct from the family visa route, which requires meeting income thresholds. Refugee family reunion is free of charge and does not require the sponsor to demonstrate financial means.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Family formation</h2>				</div>
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									<p>A statistical category used in settlement data covering people granted the right to settle in the UK on the basis of a family relationship — including spouses, children, parents, and grandparents — with someone already settled or a British citizen. It reflects both reunion with pre-existing families and the formation of new family units.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Earned settlement</h2>				</div>
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									<p>A proposed policy framework, consulted on in late 2025, under which the qualifying period for indefinite leave to remain would vary based on an individual&#8217;s contributions to the UK — through employment, earnings, or volunteering. It would replace the current fixed five-year qualifying period for most routes with a longer baseline of ten years, with reductions available. It is not yet law.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Safe return review</h2>				</div>
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									<p>A Home Office assessment, conducted at the point of settlement application on the protection route, examining whether a refugee&#8217;s circumstances or country conditions have changed such that their status should be revoked. Codified in the Immigration Rules from April 2026, this process was previously conducted as a matter of practice without formal regulatory basis.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Nationality and Borders Act 2022</h2>				</div>
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									<p>Legislation passed under the Conservative government that introduced significant changes to the asylum system, including the creation of a two-tier refugee status system and expanded powers to declare claims inadmissible. Several of its most controversial provisions — including the Rwanda removal scheme — were later repealed or fell away under subsequent legislation.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Border Security, Asylum and Immigration Act</h2>				</div>
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									<p>Legislation passed under the current Labour government that repealed key elements of the Nationality and Borders Act 2022 and the Illegal Migration Act 2023. It established the Border Security Command in statute, created new counter-terrorism-style powers to disrupt smuggling networks, and made further changes to the asylum support system.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR)</h2>				</div>
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									<p>An international treaty, enforced by the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, protecting fundamental rights including the right to life, freedom from torture, and the right to family life. Articles 3 and 8 are frequently invoked in immigration cases to resist removal. The UK remains a signatory to the ECHR regardless of Brexit.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">1951 Refugee Convention / Geneva Convention</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The foundational international treaty defining who is a refugee and establishing the principle of non-refoulement — the prohibition on returning a person to a country where they face persecution. The UK is a signatory. The Convention&#8217;s definition of a refugee, supplemented by the 1967 Protocol, underpins the UK&#8217;s asylum system.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">1967 Protocol</h2>				</div>
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									<p>A supplement to the 1951 Refugee Convention that removed its original geographic and time restrictions, extending refugee protections to people displaced anywhere in the world, not just Europe, and from events after 1951. Together, the Convention and the Protocol form the basis of international refugee law and the UK&#8217;s obligations to asylum seekers.</p>								</div>
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				</div><p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/policy-legal-framework/">Policy & legal framework</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Institutions &#038; bodies</title>
		<link>https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/institutions-bodies/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Migration Watch]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 18 May 2026 12:51:59 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Glossary]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[glossary]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/?p=6076</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Return to the Migration Glossary Table of Contents The government departments, agencies, courts, and advisory bodies responsible for managing and scrutinising immigration in the UK. Home Office The UK government department responsible for immigration, border security, policing, and counter-terrorism. Within immigration, it includes UK Visas and Immigration, Immigration Enforcement, and Border Force. The Home Secretary [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/institutions-bodies/">Institutions & bodies</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></description>
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									<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The government departments, agencies, courts, and advisory bodies responsible for managing and scrutinising immigration in the UK.</span></p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Home Office</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The UK government department responsible for immigration, border security, policing, and counter-terrorism. Within immigration, it includes UK Visas and Immigration, Immigration Enforcement, and Border Force. The Home Secretary leads the department. It is the decision-making authority for all visa applications, asylum claims, and enforcement action.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">UK Visas and Immigration (UKVI)</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The operational division of the Home Office responsible for processing visa and immigration applications, granting or refusing leave to enter and remain, and managing the sponsorship system. UKVI has wide caseworker discretion in assessing applications, including credibility assessments and compliance monitoring.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Border Force</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The law enforcement command within the Home Office responsible for securing the UK&#8217;s borders at ports and airports. It checks all passengers and freight entering the country, enforces immigration and customs laws, and intercepts small boats in the Channel. Around 10,000 people work for Border Force across its regional operations.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Immigration Enforcement</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The Home Office team responsible for enforcing immigration law within the UK — targeting illegal working, removing people with no right to remain, and managing immigration detention. It is distinct from Border Force, which operates at the border, and from UKVI, which processes applications.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Office for National Statistics (ONS)</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The UK&#8217;s national statistics body, responsible for producing official data on migration, population, and the economy. The ONS publishes long-term international migration estimates and works with the Home Office to develop improved methods. Its migration statistics are currently classified as official statistics in development due to ongoing methodological change.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Migration Advisory Committee (MAC)</h2>				</div>
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									<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">An independent, non-departmental public body that advises the government on migration policy. It conducts research and makes recommendations on issues including salary thresholds, shortage occupation lists, and the impact of migration on the UK labour market. Its recommendations inform Home Office policy but are not binding.</span></p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">First-tier Tribunal (Immigration and Asylum Chamber)</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The independent court that hears appeals against Home Office immigration and asylum decisions at first instance. Applicants whose claims or visa applications have been refused may appeal here. Around half of asylum appeals that reach the tribunal result in the Home Office&#8217;s original decision being overturned.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Upper Tribunal (Immigration and Asylum Chamber)</h2>				</div>
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									<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The higher court that hears appeals against decisions made by the First-tier Tribunal. It also handles judicial review of certain immigration decisions. Its judgments establish binding legal precedent on immigration law. Further appeals beyond the Upper Tribunal go to the Court of Appeal.</span></p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Border Security Command</h2>				</div>
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									<p>A unit established in 2024 to coordinate the UK&#8217;s response to organised immigration crime, reporting directly to the Home Secretary. It directs the National Crime Agency, police, and intelligence agencies to dismantle people smuggling networks. It was backed by £75 million and given counter-terrorism-style powers under the Border Security, Asylum and Immigration Act.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Common Travel Area (CTA)</h2>				</div>
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									<p>An arrangement between the UK, Ireland, the Channel Islands, and the Isle of Man allowing British and Irish citizens to travel freely between these territories without passport controls. The CTA predates both EU membership and Brexit and continues to operate independently of EU free movement. It does not extend full free movement rights to third-country nationals.</p>								</div>
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				</div><p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/institutions-bodies/">Institutions & bodies</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Statistics &#038; measurement</title>
		<link>https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/statistics-measurement/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Migration Watch]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 18 May 2026 12:43:27 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Glossary]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[glossary]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/?p=6068</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Return to the Migration Glossary Table of Contents The data sources, definitions, and methods used to count and track migration flows and the migrant population. Net migration The difference between the number of people arriving in the UK to live (immigration) and the number leaving (emigration), over a given period. It is the headline figure [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/statistics-measurement/">Statistics & measurement</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></description>
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									<p>The data sources, definitions, and methods used to count and track migration flows and the migrant population.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Net migration</h2>				</div>
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									<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The difference between the number of people arriving in the UK to live (immigration) and the number leaving (emigration), over a given period. It is the headline figure in UK migration debate. Net migration was estimated at 204,000 in the year ending June 2025 — sharply lower than the record 944,000 in early 2023, driven by falls in non-EU work and study migration.</span></p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Immigration</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The arrival of people in the UK to live, typically for at least 12 months. In the year ending June 2025, total long-term immigration was estimated at 898,000. Immigration is distinct from short-term arrivals such as visitors. It is measured by the ONS using a combination of border data, visa records, and administrative sources.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Emigration</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The departure of people from the UK to live elsewhere, typically for at least 12 months. In the year ending June 2025, emigration was estimated at 693,000. It includes both British nationals and foreign nationals. The majority of those emigrating had originally arrived on study-related visas.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Long-Term International Migration (LTIM)</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The ONS statistical series estimating the flow of long-term migrants to and from the UK. It uses the UN definition of a long-term migrant — someone who changes their country of usual residence for 12 months or more. The methodology has been substantially revised since 2021 to make greater use of administrative data, and estimates are currently classified as official statistics in development.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Migration stocks</h2>				</div>
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									<p>A measure of the total number of migrants living in a country at a given point in time, as opposed to flows (arrivals and departures). In the UK, stocks are typically measured by country of birth or nationality. As of mid-2023, approximately 11.4 million people living in England and Wales were born abroad, representing around 19% of the population.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Migration flows</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The number of people moving to or from a country over a given period. Flows are distinct from stocks. The UK&#8217;s net migration figure is derived from flows. Measuring flows accurately is challenging because it requires tracking both arrivals and departures, and intentions do not always match behaviour.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">International Passenger Survey (IPS)</h2>				</div>
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									<p>A long-running ONS survey of passengers entering and leaving the UK at ports and airports. It was the primary source of UK net migration data before the COVID-19 pandemic. The IPS recorded intentions, not outcomes, and missed significant migration flows — particularly EU nationals at regional airports. It was scaled back and is now used mainly for British national estimates and reasons for migration.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Registration and Population Interaction Database (RAPID)</h2>				</div>
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									<p>A Department for Work and Pensions database combining tax and benefit records for anyone holding a National Insurance number. The ONS now uses RAPID as a core data source for estimating EU and British national migration. It measures &#8220;activity&#8221; in the UK system but cannot capture people — such as children and non-working family members — who do not interact with tax or benefit records.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Migration Watch System (MWS)</h2>				</div>
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									<p>A linked Home Office database combining visa, border entry and exit, and immigration status records to build travel histories for non-EEA nationals. Used by the ONS to estimate long-term immigration and emigration of non-EU migrants. It enables the tracking of individuals&#8217; entries and exits alongside their visa and status information.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Admin-based migration estimates (ABMEs)</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The ONS&#8217;s emerging methodology for producing migration statistics using administrative data — such as tax records, benefit data, and border crossings — rather than survey data. ABMEs are currently classified as official statistics in development, meaning they are published but subject to ongoing revision as methods are refined.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">National Insurance number (NINo) allocations</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The number of National Insurance numbers issued to non-UK nationals registering for work in the UK. NINo data was historically used as a proxy for labour migration flows. It is now less prominent as a standalone measure, having been largely superseded by visa data and administrative estimates in the official migration statistics framework.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Country of birth</h2>				</div>
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									<p>One of the two main ways of defining the migrant population in official statistics — counting people whose place of birth differs from their country of residence. Unlike nationality, it is a fixed characteristic. The Census records country of birth, and it underpins estimates of the foreign-born population, which stood at approximately 11.4 million in England and Wales as of mid-2023.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Nationality</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The second main way of defining the migrant population in statistics — counting people who hold the citizenship of a different country from the one in which they live. Unlike country of birth, nationality can change through naturalisation. The ONS uses both country of birth and nationality to describe the non-UK population in different contexts.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Non-UK born population</h2>				</div>
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									<p>People living in the UK who were born in another country, regardless of their current nationality. This is the standard statistical measure of the resident migrant population. It includes people who have since become British citizens. As of mid-2023, the non-UK born population of England and Wales was approximately 11.4 million.</p>								</div>
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				</div><p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/statistics-measurement/">Statistics & measurement</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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		<title>Irregular migration</title>
		<link>https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/irregular-migration/</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Migration Watch]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Mon, 18 May 2026 12:25:21 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Glossary]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[glossary]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/?p=6057</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Return to the Migration Glossary Table of Contents Migration that takes place outside legal channels, including Channel crossings, clandestine entry, overstaying, and people smuggling. Irregular migration / unauthorised migration Migration that takes place outside official, legal channels. In the UK context, it includes clandestine entry, Channel crossings in small boats, visa overstaying, and remaining after [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/irregular-migration/">Irregular migration</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></description>
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									<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Migration that takes place outside legal channels, including Channel crossings, clandestine entry, overstaying, and people smuggling.</span></p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Irregular migration / unauthorised migration</h2>				</div>
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									<p>Migration that takes place outside official, legal channels. In the UK context, it includes clandestine entry, Channel crossings in small boats, visa overstaying, and remaining after failed asylum claims. The true scale is unknown. The Home Office uses &#8220;irregular&#8221; and &#8220;unauthorised&#8221; interchangeably; the term &#8220;illegal&#8221; is also widely used in political and media contexts.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Small boat / Channel crossings</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The crossing of the English Channel in small vessels — typically inflatable dinghies or rigid-hulled inflatables — by people seeking to reach the UK without authorisation. Numbers rose sharply from 2018, reaching a peak of around 46,000 in 2022. Around 94% of those who arrive this way subsequently claim asylum. The issue has dominated UK immigration policy debate throughout the 2020s.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Clandestine entry</h2>				</div>
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									<p>Entry to the UK by concealment, typically by hiding in lorries, shipping containers, or ferries without detection. Before the rise of small boat crossings, this was the most common form of irregular entry. Detection has become harder as smuggling networks have professionalised, though significant enforcement resources are deployed at UK and French ports.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">People smuggling</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The facilitation of illegal border crossing for financial gain. Smugglers charge migrants fees to organise travel and entry into the UK. It is a crime against the state, not the migrant. The relationship between smuggler and migrant typically ends on arrival. Organised crime groups — including Kurdish, West Balkan, and Sudanese networks — are heavily involved in Channel crossings.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Human trafficking</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The recruitment, transportation, or harbouring of people through coercion, deception, or force for the purpose of exploitation — including forced labour, sexual exploitation, domestic servitude, or organ removal. Unlike people smuggling, trafficking is a crime against the individual victim. Human trafficking is a form of modern slavery and does not require a border crossing.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Visa overstay</h2>				</div>
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									<p>Remaining in the UK beyond the expiry of a visa or leave to remain. Overstaying is a criminal offence. It is one of the most common routes into irregular status and is difficult to quantify, as the UK lacks a reliable system for matching departures to entry records. The government does not publish estimates of the total overstayer population.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Border Security Command</h2>				</div>
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									<p>A unit established in 2024 to coordinate the UK&#8217;s response to organised immigration crime, reporting directly to the Home Secretary. It directs the National Crime Agency, police, and intelligence agencies to dismantle people smuggling networks. It was backed by £75 million and given counter-terrorism-style powers under the Border Security, Asylum and Immigration Act.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">One-in-one-out returns scheme</h2>				</div>
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									<p>A bilateral pilot arrangement between the UK and France, in force from August 2025, under which the UK returns a number of small boat arrivals to France in exchange for accepting an equivalent number of asylum seekers via an official route. Around 300 people were returned under the scheme in its first months. It is intended to undermine the smuggling business model, though critics question its scale and deterrent effect.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Detected arrivals</h2>				</div>
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									<p>People identified by the Home Office as arriving in the UK without authorisation, either at the border or within 72 hours of entry. Small boat arrivals are the most visible category because most present themselves to authorities on landing. Clandestine entries via lorries or ferries are less reliably detected and therefore underrepresented in official statistics.</p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Border Force</h2>				</div>
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									<p>The law enforcement command within the Home Office responsible for securing the UK&#8217;s borders at ports and airports. It checks all passengers and freight entering the country, enforces immigration and customs laws, and intercepts small boats in the Channel. Around 10,000 people work for Border Force across its regional operations.</p>								</div>
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				</div><p>The post <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org/irregular-migration/">Irregular migration</a> first appeared on <a href="https://www.migrationwatchuk.org">Migration Watch UK</a>.</p>]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
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